But we must speak. He felt compelled to condemn the war for multiple reasons that bled into each other. I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor, so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube, so I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor.
The American Creed: A Spiritual and Patriotic Primer
He urged Americans to protest. We must rapidly begin the shift from a thing oriented society to a person oriented society.
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A nation that continues year after year to spend more on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. He did not stop there. I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life.
Sounding for all their differences like Malcolm X in his climactic year, he urged Americans to stop resisting the revolutionary tide in the world, rather to help lead a world revolution against poverty, injustice, and exploitation. He faced an uphill battle to make revolution, once again, a patriotic call, resonating with the American creed.
Riverside Church, New York, April 4, . There can be no justice without peace, and there can be no peace without justice. This was his clearest statement yet that he wanted to build One Big Movement to transform the nation. Be not deceived. God is not mocked. Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap. America must resolve this race problem, or this race problem will doom America. There will be no rest, there will be no tranquility in this country, until the nation comes to terms with our problem. He had habitually used rich metaphors of darkness as a rhetorical device.
He clung to his faith, however, that the divine force was buried in the deepest darkness. Like ebony skin, the darkest dark emitted the brightest glow. The dark, absorbing all light, was not the absence but the fullness of light. But the light in deepest darkness was invisible to the mortal eye. The guilty one is not he who commits the sin, but he who causes the darkness.
The leaders of white society caused the darkness. They created slums. They perpetuate unemployment, ignorance, and poverty. They are born of the greater crimes of the white society. January Sandperl, longtime nonviolent activist, had never before seen his friend less than fully composed. Something was wrong. What are you upset about? In fact it was his last time behind bars. He was mad at himself and guilt-stricken. But this man who walked every extra mile to preserve black unity, who had fought so hard against hate, can be forgiven for being mortified by the thought that some blacks hated his guts.
And for being afraid that, like Malcolm, like Gandhi, he might be slain by one of his own. A black woman had come close in , slipping in a knife a hair from his heart. Struggling to maintain his equilibrium in these dark days, he could have been spared this unnecessary heartache. These death threats did not come from black liberation groups.
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They were all fabricated by the FBI. Indeed he had inadvertently helped father it.
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Psychological death took many forms, from the sacred to the profane. It was the death of human personality, of the soul, of the Spirit within. Psychological death was depersonalization, the bitter fruit of racism, exploitation, and militarism, and of the soulless society that bred them.
King saw this most frighteningly in the ghetto. As the hippies and the ghetto dwellers acted out in their arenas, as writers like Ralph Ellison had spelled out in prose, singers like Otis Redding and Simon and Garfunkel cried out in song, alienation was the plague of modern humanity. While racism and segregation were the most blatant forms of alienation, and served as metaphors for the larger evil, King also spoke out against more subtle and insidious manifestations.
bbmpay.veritrans.co.id/conocer-hombres-en-alcarrs.php Whyte, Jr. King himself was split between these two traits, but his inner-directed self increasingly won out. His political strategy of exposing the brutal underside of segregation in places like Birmingham, St. Augustine, and Selma was a means of healing the repressed id of subconscious racism that he believed all Americans shared. He understood that science and technology had become a new religion, threatening to extinguish traditional religious faiths.
Nowhere was he more prophetic than his condemnation of automation and cybernetics, metaphors as well as touchstones of depersonalization. King worried not only about the millions whose jobs would be replaced by machines—black workers the most vulnerable—but about the psychological deadening inflicted on the remaining workers controlled by technology rather than controlling it. Robotization would not only replace workers with robots robbing their jobs. It would turn them into robots. The educated world was adopting a new faith that computer technology would emancipate humans from ignorance and drudgery.
King saw the potential for freedom, but he feared a greater danger of psychological enslavement—just at the time when African Americans were throwing off the yoke of mental slavery that had endured for a century after the Civil War. He did not have to look far to see how modern technologies were depersonalizing people.
He took aim at the technology of bureaucracy. Most degrading was the welfare bureaucracy, which helped poor families survive physically at the price of psychic servitude, drug-like dependency.
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Fighting depersonalization, moreover, must begin at home. If activists did not strike a balance between asserting their responsibilities and respecting the rights of others, an equilibrium between justice and love, they would depersonalize not only their adversaries but themselves and their allies.
They would lose their own humanity, and ultimate effectiveness, in the name of moral correctness. Are these decisions to be made by professional elites? More than ever he was embracing the ethos of participatory democracy that was the zeitgeist of the s. They were a body, indivisible, as illustrated by the U. Declaration of Human Rights, which Malcolm X had tied his kite to. All people had human rights, King now believed, because they were children of God.
No further justification was needed. We must see the great distinction between a reform movement and a revolutionary movement. We are called upon to raise certain basic questions about the whole society.
There must be a revolution of values. Only by reallocating and redefining power would it be possible to wipe out the triple interlocking evils of racism, exploitation, and militarism. He said, Nicodemus you must be born again. Nicodemus, the whole structure of your life must be changed. The whole structure of American life must be changed. They contrasted with, yet made room for, his keen ability to listen, to pay attention, to learn.
People who knew him were struck by his gift for patient listening. Top-down control resonated with democratic intimacy to produce a mode of leadership whose authority, whose claim to obedience and loyalty, was rooted in his engaged relationship with other leaders and followers. His leadership offered a trusted setting for freewheeling deliberation and dissent, encouraging conflict but keeping it in bounds.
His charisma and personal power, like that of Lincoln, another grand master of the authority and democracy dialectic, proved compelling because they were embedded in a personal connection, felt as mystical by some.
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